<div id="readability-page-1">Despite the supposed ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran, the United Arab Emirates came under missile and drone attacks at least twice this week. The first attack resulted in injuries to at least three Indian nationals. In the second, a drone sparked a fire at a key oil facility that handles about 1.7 million barrels per day, currently about half of daily Emirati oil exports. (Because the United Arab Emirates borders the Gulf of Oman, it can bypass the Strait of Hormuz when shipping oil.) The Emiratis have come under fire more than any of Iran’s other putative enemies, including Israel. As of late March, it had been attacked by 372 ballistic missiles, 15 cruise missiles and 1,826 drones. The number has increased by more than 1,000 attacks since then. In their efforts to defend themselves, the Emiratis turned to Israel for assistance. Israel has responded with both equipment and personnel. This marks the first time that the Jewish state has provided troops to an Arab counterpart. The Israeli equipment package is both sophisticated and extensive. It includes the Iron Dome air defense system, which consists of a tracking radar, a battle management and control system, and interceptor missiles, as well as the Iron Beam laser defense system and the Spectro drone detection system. Iran has threatened the United Arab Emirates with “severe consequences” if it continues to receive Israeli support. Tehran’s admonition is unlikely to faze President Mohammed bin Zayed, who is far more hostile toward Tehran than his Gulf neighbors. The United Arab Emirates has never accepted Iran’s seizure of the Abu Musa and Tunbs islands just as the Emirates became independent in 1971. In particular, Sheikh Mohammed does not concur with Saudi Arabia’s urgent efforts to help negotiate a cease-fire between Iran and the U.S. Tensions with Riyadh run deep. The Emiratis have long resented Saudi leadership of the OPEC oil cartel, and last week the Emiratis withdrew from the organization after 59 years of membership. The Saudis and Emiratis have also clashed over Yemen. Abu Dhabi has supported the Southern Transitional Council, which seeks a breakaway state in the southern part of the country that was once the British Aden protectorate. If the rebellion were to succeed, it would be a reprise of the Soviet-aligned People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, which was an independent state throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The Saudis, in contrast, have always supported a unified Yemeni polity along their long border. The two countries are also at odds over the brutal Sudanese civil war. The Saudis support the Sudanese military and accuse the Emiratis of backing the rebel paramilitary group called the Rapid Support Forces. In contrast to these tensions with Riyadh, Emirati relations with Jerusalem continue to grow warmer. Sheikh Mohammed, whom I first met more than twenty years ago, has always been an out-of-the-box thinker. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that his country was the first to join the Abraham accords in 2020. As he put it a the time, “we have … developed a thriving relationship to help us accomplish our shared strategic objectives.” Three years later, after acceding to the presidency in 2022, he would also enter into a free trade agreement with Israel. Israel also supported the United Arab Emirates when it came under attack by Houthi missiles in 2022. In contrast to the Biden administration’s lukewarm response to the Houthi strikes — which reportedly angered Sheikh Mohammed — the Israelis provided him with both intelligence support and the SPYDER air defense system. That the Emiratis should see Israel as a reliable strategic partner should come as no surprise. How that close relationship will affect the prospects for Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords — a major priority of the Trump White House — remains to be seen. Given ongoing tensions between the two most powerful Arab states in the Gulf, and Riyadh’s continued insistence that it will not join the accords without a clear path toward creation of a Palestinian state, it seems unlikely for now. Perhaps a change of government in Israel after the October elections will alter Riyadh’s position. But that will depend on whether the Israeli electorate decides that it has had enough of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — a bitter opponent of Palestinian statehood — and finally votes him out of the office he has held for nearly 16 of the last 17 years. Dov S. Zakheim is a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and vice chairman of the board for the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He was undersecretary of Defense (comptroller) and chief financial officer for the Department of Defense from 2001 to 2004 and a deputy undersecretary of Defense from 1985 to 1987.</div>

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The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has faced increased missile and drone attacks from Iran, prompting it to seek military assistance from Israel, marking a significant shift in their relationship. Israel has provided advanced defense systems, including the Iron Dome and personnel, in response to these threats. Meanwhile, tensions between the UAE and Saudi Arabia are escalating, particularly over Yemen and OPEC leadership. Despite these regional conflicts, the UAE continues to strengthen ties with Israel, having previously signed the Abraham Accords and a free trade agreement. The future of Saudi Arabia's potential involvement in the accords remains uncertain amid these dynamics.

Common foe, fast friends: Why Israel-UAE ties are warming